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Research

Israel-Jordan Peace Treaty

Jordan belongs in the lasting-peace column not because the relationship is warm, but because the treaty ended a state of war, fixed a border, and survived repeated regional shocks.

The 1994 Treaty of Peace Between the State of Israel and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan is easy to underrate. It never gave the world the big scenes Camp David did. There was no Sinai-sized pullout. There was no famous trip to Jerusalem. There was no warm peace between the two peoples.

But ask the right question. Did a signed Arab-Israeli deal produce lasting peace between states? Jordan belongs in that column.

The reason is simple. The treaty ended a state of war. It fixed a real border. It set up security and water rules. It held through the Second Intifada, through Gaza wars, through the Syrian civil war, and through heavy public pressure inside Jordan.

What the treaty settled

The treaty text and annexes are unusually detailed. They fixed the international border. They covered the Jordan and Yarmouk rivers, the Dead Sea, the Arava/Wadi Araba sector, and the Gulf of Aqaba. They built joint teams for border work, water, and security. See the main text, Annex I on boundary, and Annex II on water.

This matters because the treaty did more than declare peace. It turned peace into border rules, water shares, mutual security duties, and full recognition. That is one reason it proved so tough.

Why this counts as land for peace

Jordan is not a Sinai case. Israel did not return a huge occupied peninsula to Amman. But the treaty still belongs in the land-for-peace record. It settled real land questions. It confirmed Jordanian rule in areas that had been under special Israeli use. More broadly, it turned Israel’s longest border with an Arab state from a war front into a negotiated one.

That is a quieter form of land compromise than Sinai. It is still compromise with legal and strategic weight.

Why the peace endured

The durable part is not hard to explain. Jordan and Israel are neighbors. They share real, day-to-day interests in avoiding war. Water cooperation is not optional. Border security is not optional. Chaos in Syria and Iraq made both sides need coordination. Even when rhetoric got harsh, those core interests stayed.

The Madrid Conference overview from the Office of the Historian is useful here. It shows the Jordan track grew out of a long talks sequence. It was not a single moment of inspiration. By 1994, the base for direct bilateral peace was already built.

Why it is still a cold peace

Durable is not the same as popular. Jordanian public opinion often pushes back on ties with Israel. Gaza wars keep straining the link. That tension is part of the record, not a fact to hide.

The special land-use deals at Baqura/Naharayim and Al-Ghamr/Tzofar show the same pattern. Under the treaty, Jordan had the right to end those deals. It used that right in 2018-2019. News reports and later CRS summaries called it a sign of strain, not the end of peace. The larger treaty survived.

What this treaty proves

Jordan is one of the best answers to a common claim. The claim is that Arab-Israeli deals are always short-lived or staged. The peace with Jordan is cool. It is transactional. It is sometimes tense. It is also real.

That is why it earns a place in OZJF’s lasting-peace category. The honest lesson is practical, not romantic. When a real state can sign, implement, and police a deal, land compromise has a much better track record. Where sovereignty, force, and representation stay unsettled, the record is worse.